23.02.07 · civics / branches

The judiciary

draft3 tiersLean: none

Anchor (Master): relevant academic sources in political science and constitutional theory

The judiciary

Intuition [Beginner]

When two people disagree about what a law means, or whether the government has overstepped its authority, someone has to decide. That "someone" is the judiciary -- the court system.

Courts do three essential things:

  1. Resolve disputes: when people or organizations disagree about their legal rights and obligations, courts provide a binding answer.
  2. Interpret laws: laws are written in general language that must be applied to specific situations. Courts determine what the law actually requires.
  3. Protect rights: in many systems, courts can strike down government actions that violate the constitution or fundamental rights.

The judiciary is different from the other branches because judges are supposed to be independent -- they do not answer to voters, the president, or the legislature. They answer to the law. This independence is what allows courts to rule against the government, which no other branch can reliably do.

Visual [Beginner]

Major court systems compared

Country Highest court How judges are chosen Tenure Can strike down laws?
US Supreme Court (9 justices) President nominates, Senate confirms Life Yes (judicial review)
UK Supreme Court (12 justices) Independent commission recommends Mandatory retirement at 75 No (parliamentary sovereignty); yes for secondary legislation and devolution issues
Germany Federal Constitutional Court (16 judges) Elected by Bundestag and Bundesrat (2/3 majority) 12 years, non-renewable Yes (strong judicial review)
India Supreme Court (34 judges) Collegium of senior judges recommends; president appoints Mandatory retirement at 65 Yes (broad judicial review including constitutional amendments under basic structure doctrine)
France Constitutional Council (9 members + former presidents) President appoints 3; National Assembly and Senate each appoint 3 9 years, non-renewable Yes (prior review of laws before promulgation; since 2008, post-promulgation review via priority preliminary ruling)
Japan Supreme Court (15 justices) Cabinet appoints; voters review at first election after appointment Mandatory retirement at 70; subject to retention review Yes (judicial review established in practice since 1947)

Common law vs. civil law

Feature Common law Civil law
Origin England France, Germany, Rome
Role of precedent Binding (courts follow prior decisions) Persuasive (courts primarily apply codified law)
Judge's role Interpret and develop law through cases Apply the code to facts
Legal reasoning Analogical reasoning from prior cases Deductive reasoning from general principles
Trial style Adversarial (parties present cases) Inquisitorial (judge leads investigation)
Examples US, UK, India, Australia France, Germany, Japan, Brazil, most of continental Europe

Worked example [Beginner]

The concept of judicial review -- the power of courts to declare laws unconstitutional -- is fundamental but works differently across systems:

United States: The Constitution does not explicitly say courts can strike down laws. The Supreme Court claimed this power in Marbury v. Madison (1803). Chief Justice Marshall reasoned that the Constitution is the supreme law, courts interpret the law, and therefore courts must refuse to apply laws that conflict with the Constitution. This power has been exercised thousands of times since.

Germany: The Basic Law (constitution) explicitly creates the Federal Constitutional Court and gives it the power to review laws. This was a deliberate choice after the Weimar Republic's courts failed to protect democratic institutions. The Constitutional Court is not part of the ordinary court system -- it is a separate institution specifically designed to protect the constitution.

United Kingdom: Because Parliament is sovereign (it can make or unmake any law), UK courts traditionally could not strike down primary legislation. However, under the Human Rights Act 1998, courts can issue a "declaration of incompatibility" stating that a law conflicts with the European Convention on Human Rights. This does not strike down the law but puts political pressure on Parliament to amend it. For devolution issues (Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland), courts can strike down legislation that exceeds devolved powers.

These three approaches reflect different constitutional philosophies about who has the final word on what the law means.

Check your understanding [Beginner]

Formal definition [Intermediate+]

Judicial review is the power of a court to assess the constitutionality of legislation and executive actions, and to invalidate those that conflict with the constitution. It is the primary mechanism by which the judiciary checks the other branches.

Models of constitutional review:

Model Description Countries
Diffuse (American) Any court can exercise constitutional review; decisions generally bind the parties but create precedent US, Japan, India, Brazil
Concentrated (European) Only a specialized constitutional court can declare laws unconstitutional; its decisions are generally binding on all Germany, France, Italy, South Korea, Spain
Weak review (Commonwealth) Courts can interpret legislation for rights compatibility but cannot strike down primary legislation UK (since 1998), Canada (notwithstanding clause), New Zealand

Judicial independence requires three institutional guarantees:

  1. Security of tenure: judges cannot be removed except through a difficult process (impeachment, supermajority vote) and only for cause (misconduct, incapacity), not for their decisions.
  2. Financial security: judicial salaries cannot be reduced, and the executive cannot use budgetary leverage to influence decisions.
  3. Institutional autonomy: the judiciary has control over its own administration, case assignment, and internal governance, free from executive interference.

The counter-majoritarian difficulty (Bickel, 1962): judicial review gives unelected judges the power to override decisions made by elected representatives. This raises a fundamental democratic question: why should a majority of judges on a court be able to overturn the will of a majority of voters as expressed through their elected legislators? Bickel called this the "counter-majoritarian difficulty" and it remains a central problem in constitutional theory.

Key concepts [Intermediate+]

Common law tradition. In common law systems (originating in England), judge-made precedent is a source of law alongside legislation. The doctrine of stare decisis ("let the decision stand") means that courts are generally bound by prior decisions of higher courts. This creates a body of law that evolves incrementally through cases rather than being entirely codified in statutes. Common law is practiced in the US, UK, India, Australia, Canada, Nigeria, and many other countries that were British colonies.

Civil law tradition. In civil law systems (originating in continental Europe), the primary source of law is a comprehensive code enacted by the legislature. Judges apply the code to specific cases rather than developing law through precedent. The civil law tradition originated in Roman law and was systematized in the Napoleonic Code (1804) and the German Civil Code (BGB, 1900). Civil law is the most widespread legal tradition globally, covering most of continental Europe, Latin America, parts of Africa and Asia.

International courts. Beyond national courts, several international tribunals adjudicate legal disputes:

Court Jurisdiction Location
International Court of Justice (ICJ) Disputes between states The Hague
International Criminal Court (ICC) Individual criminal responsibility for genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity The Hague
European Court of Human Rights Human rights violations (Council of Europe members) Strasbourg
Court of Justice of the European Union EU law interpretation and enforcement Luxembourg
Inter-American Court of Human Rights Human rights violations (OAS members) San Jose

International courts face distinctive challenges: enforcement depends on state cooperation, jurisdiction often requires state consent, and their legitimacy is contested by states that resist external legal authority.

Constitutional courts and democratic defense. Some constitutional courts are empowered to defend the democratic order against anti-democratic forces -- a concept known as "militant democracy" (streitbare Demokratie), developed in post-war Germany:

  • The German Constitutional Court can ban political parties that seek to undermine the democratic order (used against neo-Nazi parties and, attempted, against the NPD).
  • The South African Constitutional Court has enforced socio-economic rights (e.g., the right to housing in Government of the Republic of South Africa v. Grootboom, 2000).
  • The Indian Supreme Court developed the "basic structure doctrine" preventing constitutional amendments that would destroy democracy.

Exercises

Exercise 1. Compare the German and US approaches to constitutional review. What are the advantages and disadvantages of each?

Reveal

German (concentrated) model advantages: specialized expertise in constitutional law; a single court speaks definitively on constitutional questions, avoiding conflicting interpretations; judges are selected through a process requiring broad political consensus (2/3 majority). Disadvantages: ordinary courts cannot address constitutional issues, potentially delaying justice; the constitutional court can become a political bottleneck; the specialized selection process can become politicized.

US (diffuse) model advantages: any court can address constitutional issues, providing broader access; constitutional questions arise in the context of real cases with concrete facts; the system is more decentralized. Disadvantages: conflicting interpretations across courts until the Supreme Court resolves them; the Supreme Court's docket is largely discretionary, meaning it can choose not to address important constitutional questions; life tenure for justices means individual justices can shape constitutional law for decades.

Exercise 2. The International Criminal Court has been criticized for focusing disproportionately on African cases. Does this undermine its legitimacy? How should international courts address the perception of bias?

Reveal

The criticism raises a legitimate concern about the ICC's legitimacy. Several African countries have threatened withdrawal, arguing that the court applies different standards to different regions. Several responses exist: (a) the ICC can only act when national courts are unwilling or unable to prosecute, and several African situations met this criterion; (b) many African cases were referred to the ICC by African governments themselves or the UN Security Council; (c) the court has since opened investigations in other regions (Afghanistan, Palestine, Georgia, Ukraine). The deeper issue is that international justice depends on state cooperation, and powerful states (including the US, Russia, and China) are not ICC members, creating an inherent asymmetry. This is a structural problem of international law, not merely a matter of case selection.

Political theory [Master]

Judicial review and democratic theory. The counter-majoritarian difficulty has generated extensive theoretical debate:

Pro-judicial review arguments:

  • Rights protection (Dworkin, 1977): individual rights should not be subject to majority vote. Courts protect minorities against majority tyranny in ways that legislatures, which respond to majority preferences, cannot.
  • Constitutional interpretation as law (Ely, 1980): judicial review is legitimate when courts ensure that the democratic process itself functions fairly -- reinforcing representation, protecting participation, and preventing the entrenched majority from blocking channels of change. This "representation-reinforcing" approach avoids judicial imposition of substantive values.
  • Deliberative contribution (Sunstein, 1993): courts contribute to democratic deliberation by requiring reasoned justifications for government action and by providing a forum where principles, not just power, determine outcomes.

Anti-judicial review arguments:

  • Democratic legitimacy (Waldron, 2006): in a democracy, the people, through their elected representatives, should have the final say on what rights mean and how they are balanced. Judicial review gives too much power to unelected judges. Waldron argues that this objection is strongest in societies with well-functioning democratic institutions.
  • Indeterminacy (Critical Legal Studies): constitutional text is sufficiently indeterminate that judicial decisions necessarily reflect the judges' political preferences, not neutral legal reasoning. The claim that judges are simply "interpreting" the constitution masks the exercise of political power.
  • Judicial supremacy vs. constitutionalism (Tushnet, 1999): judicial review can become judicial supremacy, where the court's interpretation of the constitution is treated as the only legitimate interpretation, crowding out popular constitutionalism -- the idea that citizens and legislators also interpret and enforce the constitution.

Comparative constitutional theory. The global spread of constitutional review has generated new theoretical frameworks:

  • Constitutional dialogue (Hogg and Bushell, 1997): courts and legislatures engage in an ongoing dialogue about constitutional meaning. Court decisions are not final pronouncements but contributions to a conversation that legislatures can respond to through amended legislation, constitutional amendments, or policy adjustments. This model, developed in the Canadian context, suggests that judicial review need not be counter-majoritarian if it operates within a dialogue rather than a one-way veto.
  • Proportionality analysis (Alexy, 2002): many constitutional courts use a structured proportionality test to evaluate rights limitations: (1) is the objective legitimate? (2) is the measure suitable to achieve it? (3) is it necessary (no less restrictive alternative)? (4) is it proportionate in the narrow sense (benefits outweigh the rights infringement)? This analytical framework, developed in German constitutional jurisprudence, has spread globally as a tool of constitutional reasoning.
  • Transformative constitutionalism (Klare, 1998): some constitutions are not merely frameworks for limiting government but mandates for social transformation. The South African Constitution, with its extensive socio-economic rights and commitment to equality, exemplifies this approach. Courts in transformative constitutional systems are not just negative checks on power but positive agents of social change.

Historical context [Master]

Early legal systems. Courts predate modern constitutionalism. Ancient legal codes (Hammurabi's Code, the Twelve Tables of Rome) established formal adjudication mechanisms. Medieval England developed the common law through royal courts that unified local customary law. The Catholic Church developed canon law with a court system that influenced secular legal development.

The emergence of judicial review. The idea that courts could invalidate laws for conflicting with a higher legal norm developed gradually. Dr. Bonham's Case (1610) in England suggested that courts could declare Acts of Parliament "against common right and reason," though this principle did not take hold in the UK. The US Supreme Court's assertion of judicial review in Marbury v. Madison (1803) was the decisive moment. Chief Justice Marshall's opinion was not universally accepted at the time -- critics called it a power grab -- but it established a precedent that has shaped American government for over two centuries.

Post-war constitutional courts. The devastation of World War II, in which legal systems had been used to implement atrocities, led to a new emphasis on judicial protection of rights. Germany's Federal Constitutional Court (1951) was designed as a powerful, independent institution that could prevent the democratic breakdown that occurred under the Weimar Republic. Italy's Constitutional Court (1956) served a similar function. The Japanese Supreme Court, under the 1947 constitution, gained the power of judicial review for the first time. These post-war courts became models for constitutional design worldwide.

Global expansion of judicial review. The late 20th century saw a global expansion of judicial power, sometimes called the "judicialization of politics" (Tate and Vallinder, 1995). New democracies created powerful constitutional courts (South Africa, 1994; South Korea, 1988; Spain, 1978). The European Court of Human Rights developed an extensive body of rights jurisprudence binding on 46 member states. International criminal tribunals (Nuremberg, Tokyo, Yugoslavia, Rwanda, and the permanent ICC) established individual accountability for atrocities. By the 21st century, some form of constitutional review existed in over 80% of the world's constitutions (Ginsburg and Versteeg, 2014).

Current debates. The expansion of judicial power has generated backlash. In Poland and Hungary, ruling parties have sought to bring courts under political control. In the US, Supreme Court appointments have become intensely political, with both parties treating the Court as a policy-making institution. In India, the Supreme Court's expansive interpretation of the basic structure doctrine has been praised for protecting democracy and criticized as judicial overreach. The tension between judicial independence and democratic accountability remains unresolved.

Bibliography [Master]

  • Alexy, Robert. 2002. A Theory of Constitutional Rights. Oxford University Press.
  • Bickel, Alexander. 1962. The Least Dangerous Branch. Bobbs-Merrill.
  • Dworkin, Ronald. 1977. Taking Rights Seriously. Harvard University Press.
  • Ely, John Hart. 1980. Democracy and Distrust. Harvard University Press.
  • Ginsburg, Tom, and Mila Versteeg. 2014. "Why Do Countries Adopt Constitutional Review?" Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization 30(3): 587-622.
  • Hogg, Peter, and Allison Bushell. 1997. "The Charter Dialogue between Courts and Legislatures." Osgoode Hall Law Journal 35(1): 75-124.
  • Klare, Karl. 1998. "Legal Culture and Transformative Constitutionalism." South African Journal on Human Rights 14(1): 146-188.
  • Sunstein, Cass. 1993. "On Positive Constitutionalism." In Deliberative Democracy, ed. Jon Elster. Cambridge University Press.
  • Tate, C. Neal, and Torbjorn Vallinder, eds. 1995. The Global Expansion of Judicial Power. NYU Press.
  • Tushnet, Mark. 1999. Taking the Constitution Away from the Courts. Princeton University Press.
  • Waldron, Jeremy. 2006. "The Core of the Case against Judicial Review." Yale Law Journal 115(6): 1346-1406.